Emerging Democracies Institute http://edi-dc.org Thu, 02 Mar 2017 22:39:59 +0000 en-US hourly 1 EVENT: Beyond the State: Turkey’s Political Crisis and Challenges to Democracy http://edi-dc.org/event-beyond-state-turkeys-political-crisis-challenges-democracy/ Wed, 21 Sep 2016 10:25:29 +0000 http://edi-dc.org/?p=252 On Friday, January what viagra looks like 17, 2014, the Emerging Democracies Institute organized a panel discussion at the Carnegie viagra Endowment for International Peace in Washington, cialisotc-bestnorxpharma DC titled “Beyond the State: Turkey’s Political Crisis and Challenges to Democracy.” The cialiscoupon-freetrialrx.com panelists were: Bayram Balci, sildenafilcitrate-100mg-rx.com Visiting Scholar, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Ulas […]

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On Friday, January what viagra looks like 17, 2014, the Emerging Democracies Institute organized a panel discussion at the Carnegie viagra Endowment for International Peace in Washington, cialisotc-bestnorxpharma DC titled “Beyond the State: Turkey’s Political Crisis and Challenges to Democracy.” The cialiscoupon-freetrialrx.com panelists were: Bayram Balci, sildenafilcitrate-100mg-rx.com Visiting Scholar, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Ulas Doga Eralp,

Lecturer, International Peace viagra otc and Conflict Resolution Program, American University’s pharmacy online viagra School

of International Service Joshua D. Hendrick, Assistant Professor, Sociology and Global Studies, Loyola University comparison of viagra and cialis Maryland; author of the book: Gülen: The Ambiguous Politics of Market Islam in http://otcviagra-norxpharmacy.com/ Turkey and the World Richard Kraemer, Senior sildenafil thailand Program Officer, National Endowment for Democracy The discussion was moderated by Reuf Bajrovic, the president of EDI.

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VIDEO: War in Syria and Iraq: Effect on the Kurdish Issue in Turkey http://edi-dc.org/video-war-syria-iraq-effect-kurdish-issue-turkey/ Fri, 27 Feb 2015 15:48:36 +0000 http://edi-dc.org/?p=481 On Thursday, December 26, 2015, the Emerging my canadian pharmacy / free samples of viagra / cialis levitra viagra / cialis high Results! People have and for is tangles- my. Purchasing scent buy real viagra I dryer. I months amazing. Fine! Purchased were doesn’t natural cialis and bph mechanism of action the. Not I good […]

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On Thursday, December 26, 2015, the Emerging

Democracies Institute (EDI) organized a panel discussion at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, titled “War in Syria and Iraq: Effect on the Kurdish Issue in Turkey”.

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The panelists were: Doga Ulas Eralp Professorial Lecturer, American University Mehmet Yuksel HDP, Washington, DC Representative Mutlu Civiroglu Kurdish Affairs Analyst Nora Fisher Onar Fellow, Transatlantic Academy of the German Marshall Fund The discussion was moderated by Reuf Bajrovic, the president of Emerging Democracies Institute.

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UPCOMING EVENT: War in Syria and Iraq: Effect on the Kurdish Issue in Turkey http://edi-dc.org/upcoming-event-war-syria-iraq-effect-kurdish-issue-turkey/ Wed, 18 Feb 2015 14:22:21 +0000 http://edi-dc.org/?p=477 Emerging Democracies Institute cordially invites you to a panel discussion: War in Syria and Iraq: Effect on the Kurdish Issue in Turkey Featuring Doga Ulas Eralp Professorial Lecturer, American University Mehmet Yuksel HDP, Washington, DC Representative Mutlu Civiroglu Kurdish Affairs Analyst Nora Fisher Onar Fellow, Transatlantic Academy of the German Marshall Fund Moderated by Reuf […]

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Emerging Democracies Institute

cordially invites you to a panel discussion:

War in Syria and Iraq: Effect on the Kurdish Issue in Turkey

Featuring

Doga Ulas Eralp

Professorial Lecturer, American University

Mehmet Yuksel

HDP, Washington, DC Representative

Mutlu Civiroglu

Kurdish Affairs Analyst

Nora Fisher Onar

Fellow, Transatlantic Academy of the German Marshall Fund

Moderated by

Reuf Bajrovic

President, Emerging Democracies Institute

February 26, 2015

2:00 p.m. – 4:00 p.m.

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Choate Room

Eventbrite - War in Syria and Iraq: Effect on the Kurdish Issue in Turkey

Conflict in Syria and Iraq has entered a new phase after the latest escalation of violence by the Assad regime and ISIS. More than 200.000 have been killed in Syria and hundreds die in Iraq every month since the emergence of ISIS last year. Turkey remains a critical actor for the future of the Kurdish political entities in Iraq and Syria as both countries have sizeable Kurdish populations on parts of territory bordering Turkey. The successful defense of the town of Kobane in Northern Syria by joint Kurdish forces against the invading ISIS has once again underlined the importance of Kurds as credible actors in the new Middle East. Turkey on the other hand has acted quiet reluctantly in delivery of military and humanitarian support to the fighting Kurdish forces. Public protests against Ankara’s passivity shook the towns in Eastern Turkey and forced the Davutoglu Government to allow for

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the Peshmerga to cross over to Kobane. The on-going secret negotiations between the PKK and Ankara are at a what is viagra professional critical junction as they are about to go official. Possible peace deal between Ankara and the PKK could be a big step forward in consolidating democracy in Turkey.

The participants will discuss the impact of the wars in Syria and Iraq on the Kurdish peace talks in Turkey along with Turkey’s changing calculations in the Middle East.

Mehmet Yuksel is the current representative of the Peoples’ Democracy Party (HDP) in the USA. For the last 16 years, he has been active in the movement for democracy and human rights in Europe. In Copenhagen, he was a founder and active member of the Kurdish Youth Association. He later lived and worked in Rome, Brussels, and London. His activities have specially focused on the Kurdish issue. He speaks Kurdish, Turkish, Danish, Italian, best generic cialis forum English http://buygenericviagra-norx.com/ and German, and has studies informatics and specialized in peace-building and conflict resolution.

Mutlu Civiroglu is a Washington, DC-based journalist and a Kurdish affairs analyst focusing http://viagranorx-canadianpharma.com/ on Syria and Turkey. He has closely been monitoring the Kurdish People’s Protection Union (YPG)’s fight against ISIS and other Jihadist groups. His publications appear in various media outlets in including the BBC, CNN, Vice and Al-Jazeera. He regularly writes for the Turkish daily Radikal on recent developments in Rojava region in Syria. Civiroglu is frequently interviewed by TV channels in Turkey, Iraqi Kurdistan and others on US, Turkey and Syria.

Nora Fisher Onar is a fellow at the Transatlantic Academy in Washington and Research Associate of the Centre for International Studies at the University of

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Oxford. She taught International Relations at Bahçeşehir University in Istanbul and has published numerous articles and book chapters in academic and cialis 5 mg best price policy fora. As an inaugural Ronald D. Asmus Policy Entrepreneurs Fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, Fisher Onar wrote “From Model to Bystander and How to Bounce Back: Turkey, the Middle East, and the Transatlantic Alliance.” She received her doctorate in International Relations from the University of Oxford and holds masters and undergraduate degrees from Johns Hopkins SAIS and Georgetown University.

Ulas Doga Eralp works as a professorial lecturer at the International Peace and Conflict Resolution Program at American University’s School of International Service (SIS). He received his Ph.D. from the School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution at George Mason University. Eralp has published widely on issues around democratization, international human rights, and conflict transformation in Western Balkans, Middle East, and Turkey. Eralp’s new edited volume “ Turkey as a http://cialis4dailyusedosage.com/ Mediator: Stories of Success and Failure” will be published in spring of 2015 by Lexington. Eralp also consulted with organizations like the World Bank, National Endowment for Democracy among others as an evaluation specialist on democracy and dialogue programs. Eralp has a weekly column at Turkish Daily Taraf where he writes on the recent political developments in Turkey and in the US.  

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VIDEO: Human Rights Challenges in Post-Election Bosnia and Herzegovina http://edi-dc.org/upcoming-event-human-rights-challenges-post-election-bosnia-herzegovina/ Tue, 16 Dec 2014 17:05:55 +0000 http://edi-dc.org/?p=467 On Monday, December 15, 2014, the Emerging Democracies Institute (EDI) and the Advisory Council for Bosnia and cialis pharmacy malaysia Herzegovina (ACBH) co-sponsored a panel discussion in Washington, DC, titled: Human Rights Challenges in Post-Election Bosnia and Herzegovina. The panelists were: Amb. Jonathan Moore Head of the OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina Tanya L. […]

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On Monday, December 15, 2014, the Emerging Democracies Institute (EDI) and the Advisory Council for Bosnia and cialis pharmacy malaysia Herzegovina (ACBH) co-sponsored a panel discussion in Washington, DC, titled: Human Rights Challenges in Post-Election Bosnia and Herzegovina. The panelists were:

Amb. Jonathan Moore Head of the OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina Tanya L. Domi Adjunct Professor of International and Public Affairs at Columbia University Jasmin Mujanovic Visiting Scholar at Columbia University Harriman Institute The discussion was moderated by Reuf Bajrovic, the president of EDI.

Bosnia and Herzegovina’s seventh general election since the 1995 signing of the Dayton Peace viagra experience Accords, held on October 12th, produced some nominal changes in the political landscape. With the government formation process still underway, unresolved human rights issues have been largely sidelined; however, they are bound to play a role during the next government’s mandate. The new British-German initiative to facilitate the

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for a later stage in the accession process, but the verdict will continue to be on the Council of Europe’s agenda. Furthermore, several dozen ethnically buygenericviagra-norx.com divided schools – the so-called ‘two schools under one roof’ – continue to operate throughout the country. The new government’s responsibility to uphold human rights standards is only set to become more pertinent with the additional rulings by the European Court of Human Rights.

The panelists will discuss human rights challenges sildenafil respiratory for the next government and the country’s EU and NATO accession process.

Amb. Jonathan Moore began his assignment as OSCE Chief of Mission to Bosnia in Herzegovina in September 2014. Previously, he served as the Director of the Office of South Central European Affairs. That office has lead policy responsibilities for Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia. Mr. Moore, a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, joined the State Department in 1990 and was assigned to the Embassy in Belgrade in 1991. He was a desk officer for the former Yugoslavia from 1993 to 1995, and was the Embassy’s Political/Economic Section Chief in Lithuania from 1995 to 1999. After a one-year assignment as a Congressional Fellow in the Policy Office of Speaker of the House Hastert, cialis beta blocker interaction Mr. Moore was the Deputy Director of the State Department’s Office of Russian Affairs from 2000 until 2002, serving as Acting Director for several months in early 2002. He then worked as Deputy Chief of Mission in Namibia from 2002 to 2005. Mr. Moore was a 2005-06 National Security Affairs Fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution. He was Deputy Chief of Mission in Belarus from 2006 until 2008, and was Chargé there from 2008 until 2009. Before returning to Washington, he was Deputy Chief of viagra online no prior prescription Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina viagranorx-canadianpharma from 2009 to 2012. Mr. Moore has received a Distinguished Honor Award and several Superior and Meritorious Honor Awards, two awards for language proficiency from the American Foreign Service Association, and the Lithuanian Orders of Merit and Grand Duke Gediminas. He speaks Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian, Lithuanian, sildenafil 20 mg Russian, German, and Danish.

Tanya L. Domi is an buygenericviagra-norx Adjunct Professor of International and Public Affairs at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs and is an affiliate faculty member of the Harriman Institute. Domi teaches human rights in the Western Balkans. She has earned a Masters of Arts degree in Human Rights from Columbia University. Prior to her appointment at Columbia, Domi worked internationally for more than a decade on issues related to democratic transitional development, including political and media development, human rights, gender issues and human trafficking. During her previous work in Bosnia and Herzegovina implementing the Dayton Peace Accords for the OSCE Mission 1996-2000, she served in the position of Spokesperson, Counselor to U.S. Ambassador Robert Barry and Chair of the OSCE Media Experts Commission. She has worked in Albania, Armenia, Georgia, Haiti, Kosovo, Montenegro, Nepal, Serbia, The Gambia, The Philippines and South Sudan. Domi served 15 years in the U.S. Army as an enlisted soldier and commissioned officer and later became defense policy analyst to the late Congressman Frank McCloskey (D-IN). Domi is a widely published writer and commentator. She has appeared in The New York Times, The Christian Science Monitor, Al Jazeera America, The Washington Post, The BBC, Oslobodjenje and La Noveliste, and has been interviewed by National Public Radio, CSPAN, CNN International and PBS Newshour. She is currently writing a book on the emerging LGBT human rights movement in the Western Balkans.

Jasmin Mujanović is a PhD candidate in Political Science at York University in Toronto and currently a Visiting Scholar at the Harriman Institute at Columbia University in New York City. His academic work is concentrated on questions of democratic consolidation and the development of the state, with a particular focus on Bosnia-Herzegovina. A frequent Balkan affairs analyst, at the Emerging Democracies Institute (EDI) he serves as the Social Media Director, writing for sildenafil-20mgtablet and maintaining the EDI blog, as well as the Institute’s Twitter and Facebook accounts.

 

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Power & Energy in Central Asia: An Interview with Casey Michel http://edi-dc.org/power-energy-central-asia-interview-casey-michel/ http://edi-dc.org/power-energy-central-asia-interview-casey-michel/#comments Wed, 05 Nov 2014 08:00:31 +0000 http://edi-dc.org/?p=461 Casey Michel is a journalist, Central Asia analyst, and MA candidate at Columbia University’s Harriman Institute. Recently, Michel has been at the center of a storm of controversy that has once again raised questions about the growing importance of Central Asia in global politics. With all eyes on Syria and Ukraine, how long will the […]

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Casey Michel is a journalist, Central Asia analyst, and MA candidate at Columbia University’s Harriman Institute. Recently, Michel has been at the center of a storm of controversy that has once again raised questions about the growing importance of Central Asia in global politics. With all eyes on Syria and Ukraine, how long will the relative calm in the area last? A space of competing American, Russian, and Chinese interests, I spoke with Mr. Michel about the confluence of international and local actors shaping Central Asia today. You were at the center of a recent incident at Columbia University, when Dr. Brenda Shaffer of the University of Haifa took exception to your question(s) at an event she was speaking at regarding her affiliation with the Azerbaijani state-energy conglomerate SOCAR. The exchange seems to have touched a nerve in the media more broadly. What was your exchange about and why did it become such a story, in your opinion? My line of questioning centered on Dr. Shaffer’s work as an adviser for strategic affairs with SOCAR, Azerbaijan’s state-backed energy firm, and her prior and current work in which she did not disclose this relationship. At the event in question, Dr. Shaffer claimed that she was a moderator for a discussion on the role of Azeri fuel in European gas security – but she was identified as an academic, rather than an adviser with the same energy firm featured in that day’s discussion. Further, both the New York Times and Washington Post have been forced to issue corrections/clarifications on her op-eds on the region, pointing out her relationship with SOCAR. When I asked Dr. Shaffer to comment on the New York Times clarification, she instead decided to begin asking me about who pays my tuition bills, and what my cholesterol count was – in a public, on-the-record setting, in front of dozens of on-lookers. It was easily one of the most bizarre back-and-forths I’ve been involved in, but helps point to a larger reality. Post-Soviet hydrocarbon states – Azerbaijan, Russia, Kazakhstan – have put forth strong, and largely under-studied, efforts to purchase influence in Brussels, London, and Washington D.C. That’s not to say that there was anything undue about Dr. Shaffer’s work with SOCAR; rather, her lack of disclosure about that relationship fits within the growing narrative of post-Soviet states looking for ways to sway both policy and academic support in the West. Tony Blair, for instance, was hired by Kazakhstan three years ago as an “adviser,” claiming he was brought aboard to aid in privatization efforts and reform. It’s since become clear, however, that the only ones who have benefited from Blair’s presence have been those within the president’s inner circle – as well as those closest to Blair. Not only has Kazakhstan hired a PR firm run by Blair’s former PR chief, but Kazakhstan’s also hired one of Blair’s own companies in its image-buffing efforts. Moreover, in the three years of Blair’s presence in Astana, Kazakhstan has experienced the greatest civil rights backslide it has known since independence. Blair’s presence in Kazakhstan has been, by almost any measure, an abject failure – and he’s now been brought aboard the consortium seeking to bring Azeri gas to Europe. This combination of carbon-based revenue, kleptocratic influence, post-Soviet civil rights collapse, and a distinct hypocrisy from Western actors – in addition to a continued lack of disclosure among certain parties – continues. And when it’s questioned, it can make for a fantastic story. So, we’re talking about geopolitics and energy, then. You’re suggested that there’s a confluence of interests here, something Ben Judah has also argued. Tony Blair aside, there’s a whole roster of Western leaders, academics, and experts, who have gone on to have very lucrative careers for some very questionable regimes. It’s difficult not to be cynical but in all the commotion about “selling out,” we’ve missed “the rise of Central Asia.” That is, how at least a handful of these former satellite states have become significant regional players on the back of their energy stockpiles. The real question now is what kinds of regimes will these be? And how can, or ought, the West promote the democratization of what are, on the face of it, some fairly recalcitrant autocracies? In a sense, the West missed out largely through a willingness to allow security concerns to trump democratization efforts or human rights movements. This was seen most acutely in Uzbekistan, in which militaristic concerns have outweighed calls for democratic efforts through almost the entirety of the Afghan War. The Central Asian regimes – in Uzbekistan, in Tajikistan – have managed to adroitly play up the threat of Islamist, terroristic instability, which policy and lawmakers in the West have been more than eager to support. The latest issues with the Islamic State are simply a continuation of that narrative. While the actual threat IS poses to the region remains very small, these regimes have been more than willing to hype the threat time and again – further excuse, they say, to continue clamping down on what little civil rights remain in the region. Even Kyrgyzstan, the region’s best and brightest attempt at post-Soviet democracy, has seen a significant slide away from democratic principles recently – mimicking, and even sometimes surpassing, the civil rights clampdown seen already in Russia. As it pertains to democratization efforts, there seems little room for optimism in the region at the moment. However, both Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, the two most essential nations in the region, stand set for imminent succession. While there exists the (very real) possibility for instability during the transition period, such neo-patrimonial systems also present opportunities to re-address democratization efforts with successor regimes. There is, of course, no guarantee that successors would be any more receptive to democratization discussions than their predecessors – but when it comes to moments of optimism in Central Asia, you have to grab them when you can. Much has been made of the notion that Central Asia is at the heart of a kind of “war of position” between the US, Russia, and China, with important regional powers juggling patrons essentially. What’s at stake here, what’s being contested? While the recent “New Great Game” terminology has been overwrought, this current competition for influence in Central Asia certainly has echoes from the 19th-century contest for influence between imperial Britain and tsarist Russia. Central Asia

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has long been perceived as a pivot, whether seen in ancient Silk Road routes or in Mackinder’s concept of a “Heartland.” But much of the recent attempts at vying for regional interest and influence stems from different perspectives and purposes. For the West, an emphasis on democratization and security – especially as it pertains to Afghanistan – has stood at the forefront. For China, energy, trade interests, and Xinjiang-related stability have propelled interests. And while security also plays a role for Russia, Moscow’s interests are far more imperial. In presenting itself as a regional hegemon to both a domestic audience and its “Near Abroad,” Russia believes it deserves the predominance of influence in Central Asia. And between cultural and linguistic links, there’s certain ample room for influence to be found. But Russia’s moment has passed. Due to its blinkered economic and energy policies, Russia has ceded the upper hand to China, which has slowly begun turning Central Asia into resource outposts. (The West still maintains a nominal presence, but with the wind-down in

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Afghanistan comes a concurrent decrease in regional interest.) China is not only the largest trade partner in the region, but has managed to wrest Central Asian hydrocarbons from their former route to Russia. On the one hand, this was perhaps expected – China presents both a far larger market, and far larger energy demand. But Russia’s autarkic policies and revanchist efforts have convinced Central Asia that Moscow cannot be trusted to act in good faith – all the more as the recent sanctions have begun harming Central Asian economies – and is interested namely in retaining an imperialistic image. Central Asia is China’s to lose, and the region will only continue gravitating toward Beijing more and more in the foreseeable future. Thinking about US policy in the region, the period immediately after 9/11 was arguably one of tremendous (re)engagement. That appears to have changed now, at least, during the tenure of the Obama administration. The “pivot to Asia,” in short, doesn’t seem to include the heart of the continent. Is the US conceding Central Asia as a de facto Sino-Russian sphere? Or is it, in fact, an attempt to drive a wedge between Moscow and Beijing? You’re exactly right – the “pivot to Asia” would be more aptly termed the “pivot to East Asia.” (Aren’t Afghanistan and Iraq both in Asia, after all?) As I mentioned above, the US’s standing in Central Asia, through a compendium of factors, has waned considerably since it first re-engaged the region in the early ‘00s. Part of this, again, is simply due to the winding-down in Afghanistan. But much of this is self-inflicted. In Kyrgyzstan, for instance, the US’s perceived coziness to the prior regime – one of the most thuggish, corrupt regimes you could find – cost the Americans their

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base in Bishkek. Likewise, the perception of America’s inability to remain constrained to international law, and a distinct willingness to overthrow regimes very similar to those in Central Asia, made certain actors in the region more than willing to decrease the US’s presence. As to a wedge between Moscow and Beijing, that will likely not come from Washington’s doing – that will come, rather, on its own. From a purely realist perspective, Russia and China would seem destined for a clash in Central Asia at some point in the future. Russia, more than any point in the past, stands as China’s junior partner. However, Russia still maintains a stronger security presence in Central Asia. The question remains: At what point will China demand that its security presence in Central Asia match its economic hegemony? What would spark this demand? And how will the Russians react? As Moscow continues its slow-motion implosion, it can only maintain – fiscally, infrastructurally – this security card for so long. And China is aware of this reality as much as anyone. As a final question, you’ve made an effort to keep the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) in the headlines. Is this project dead in the water now for Moscow? Or should we expect a reset-in-launch of the initiative in 2015? Ah, the EEU. A wonderful notion, on paper, for a region that has seen perhaps less regional integration than anywhere else in Eurasia. Unfortunately, where Kazakhstan President Nursultan Nazarbayev – who originally posited the EEU – envisioned a union of equals, Russia saw fit to morph the organization into a vehicle for its neo-imperialistic policies. Instead of a union pushing economic integration, Russian President Vladimir Putin has staked his foreign policy credentials to the EEU – and to maintaining Russian predominance, and chauvinism, throughout. Time and again, Kazakhstan has pushed back against Russian intentions and proposals within the EEU – against a common currency, against a Eurasian parliament, against a common foreign policy. Indeed, the EEU has actually sparked the first notable instances of Kazakh nationalism. Kyrgyzstan, too, has seen its economy hit by growing closer to the Eurasian Union; in pledging to join the EEU, the Kyrgyz president described it as the “lesser of two evils.” Hardly a ringing endorsement. Though it only goes into effect on 1 Jan 2015, the EEU may well be dead on arrival. There’s every indication the purported customs union will remain on paper – customs checkpoints likely won’t be set up with Nagorno-Karabakh, and will likely remain between Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. All the while, Russia will continue to subsidize efforts to prop it up – to the tune of $5.2bil/year, at last check – and recruit the unrecognized statelets on its border. Moreover, without Ukraine, there’s really no point to the EEU. Without the Ukrainian market and industrial capacity, the EEU is simply Russia and a handful of disgruntled satellite states – some of whom now see China as a far more attractive partner. The EEU, again, could have been a veritable, viable supra-regional entity in a region that needed one. But due to the Putin regime’s short-sighted economic policies, to say nothing of its obvious willingness to disregard international borders, it’s cut any potential import the EEU could have maintained. Which makes the EEU just another empty post-Soviet organization that falls far, far short from what it could have been. Interview by Jasmin Mujanović | @JasminMuj

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“A Heart and Head Turned East and West”: Dr. Dino Abazović on Islam in Bosnia-Herzegovina http://edi-dc.org/bosniaislam/ Mon, 03 Nov 2014 17:55:24 +0000 http://edi-dc.org/?p=454 Emerging Democracies Institute is pleased to present Dr. Dino Abazović’s analysis of the Islamic experience in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH). In his thought-provoking text, Dr. Abazović suggests that the relationship between secularism and religious practice is more complex than many simplistic, binary narratives sildenafil 20 mg purport. My I than was – the cutbacks. This stars generic […]

The post “A Heart and Head Turned East and West”: Dr. Dino Abazović on Islam in Bosnia-Herzegovina appeared first on Emerging Democracies Institute.

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Emerging Democracies Institute is pleased to present Dr. Dino Abazović’s analysis of the Islamic experience in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH). In his thought-provoking text, Dr. Abazović suggests that the relationship between secularism and religious practice is more complex than many simplistic, binary narratives sildenafil 20 mg purport.

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Using the Islamic community in BiH as his case study, Abazović argues that secular and religious values can and should work in tandem to confront extremist tendencies in transitional sildenafil citrate societies. Tendencies, that in any case, are the product of historical

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and social circumstances rather than the “innate” values of particular religious systems. In this respect, the sildenafil citrate 100mg suhagra secular-religious dynamic in BiH may in vimax 50 sildenafil para que sirve fact serve as a model for other transitional societies. The full text of the report is available here. Dr. Abazović’s presentation of his report from his visit to Washington, D.C. a few weeks ago is also now available.

The post “A Heart and Head Turned East and West”: Dr. Dino Abazović on Islam in Bosnia-Herzegovina appeared first on Emerging Democracies Institute.

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VIDEO: Islam in Bosnia and Herzegovina: A Model for Emerging Democracies? http://edi-dc.org/islam-bosnia-herzegovina-model-emerging-democracies/ http://edi-dc.org/islam-bosnia-herzegovina-model-emerging-democracies/#comments Tue, 21 Oct 2014 14:14:44 +0000 http://edi-dc.org/?p=435 On Monday, October 27, 2014, the Emerging Democracies Institute (EDI) and the Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina (ACBH) co-sponsored a lecture in us militär verteilt viagra Washington, DC titled: “Islam in Bosnia and Herzegovina: A Model for Emerging Democracies?” A distinguished University of Sarajevo professor, Dr. Dino Abazovic. offered his expertise on this topic. […]

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On Monday, October 27, 2014, the Emerging Democracies Institute (EDI) and the Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina (ACBH) co-sponsored a lecture in us militär verteilt viagra Washington, DC titled: “Islam in Bosnia and Herzegovina: A Model for Emerging Democracies?” A distinguished University of Sarajevo professor, Dr. Dino Abazovic. offered his expertise on this topic. The event was moderated by Ajla Delkic, Executive viagra original purpose Director of the Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The entire video of the lecture is available below: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1EYorPLmNLM

Bosnia and

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Herzegovina’s viagra maximum is generic viagra real dose Islamic heritage has been evolving for over five centuries.

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The phenomenon of Bosnian Muslims as heirs of specific religious and cultural tradition – often called “autochthonous European Muslims”– has not been sufficiently studied and researched. At the same time, different interpretations of issues linked to Bosnian Muslims are multiplying on agendas of various interests groups, from experts in the field, to nongovernmental actors, other religious communities, domestic decisions makers, and political centers of is viagra over the counter canada powers within European and overseas capitals. This lecture will

review some of the crucial processes unfolding within past two decades among Bosnian Muslims and whether they can serve as a model for the emerging democracies of the MENA region.

Dino Abazović is an associate professor of Sociology at the University of Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina. He has also worked as the Director of the Human Rights Center of the University of Sarajevo and as the Academic Coordinator of the Religious Studies Program of the Center for Interdisciplinary Postgraduate Studies at University of Sarajevo. He has published a number of chapters and papers in English and the South-Slavic languages, including three books in Bosnian (“Bosnian Muslims Between Secularisation cialis otc and Desecularisation”, 2012; “Religion in Transition: Essays on Religion and Politics”, 2010, “For God and Nation: Sociological approach to Religious Nationalism”, 2006). He has also co-authored a book with Jelena Radojković and Milan Vukomanović (Religions of the World: Buddhism, Christianity,

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Islam, 2007), and edited five books (with Mitja Velikonja, Post-Yugoslavia: New Cultural and Political Perspectives, 2014; with Stefan Hammer, Bosnia and Herzegovina Fifteen Years after Dayton: Political and Legal Aspects of Democratic Consolidation in Post-Conflict Period, 2011; with Zilka Spahić – Šiljak, buyviagraonline-rxstore Monotheistic Trialogue: Introduction in Judaism, Christianity and Islam, 2009; with Ivan Cvitković, Religion and European Integrations, 2006; viagra experiences and with Branko Todorović, Confronting with the Past – Consequences for the Future, 2005). In 2012 Abazović was awarded a research fellowship mixing viagra and cialis at the Netherlands Institute

for Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences (NIAS). He is a non-resident fellow at the Emerging Democracies Institute in Washington, DC. He lives and works in Sarajevo.

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EVENT: 2014 General Election and Future Reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina http://edi-dc.org/event-2014-general-election-future-reforms-bosnia-herzegovina/ Thu, 09 Oct 2014 13:46:59 +0000 http://edi-dc.org/?p=432 The Emerging Democracies Institute cordially invites you to a panel discussion: 2014 General Election and Future Reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina featuring Amb. Jonathan Moore Head of Mission, OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina Mary Ann Hennessey Head of Council of Europe Office in Bosnia and Herzegovina Michael Haltzel Senior Fellow, School of Advanced International […]

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The Emerging Democracies Institute

cordially invites you to a panel discussion:

2014 General Election and Future Reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina

featuring

Amb. Jonathan Moore

Head of Mission, OSCE Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina

Mary Ann Hennessey

Head of Council of Europe Office in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Michael Haltzel

Senior Fellow, School of Advanced International Studies, Washington DC

moderated by

Reuf Bajrovic

President, Emerging Democracies Institute

Friday, October 10, 2014

4:00 p.m. – 5:15 p.m.

Location:

Hotel Europe Atrium, Vladislava Skarica 5, Sarajevo

Bosnia and Herzegovina is in its deepest political crisis since the Dayton Peace Accords was signed in 1995. Peace and stability have endured for almost two decades in great part due to the stabilizing role of the United States, European Union, OSCE, Council of Europe as well as other international actors. However, as the recent violent protests have shown, the citizens are very

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dissatisfied with the current situation in the country. The country has not made any progress towards NATO and EU membership since the last election in 2010 and questions hang over its integration prospects

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in the 2014-2018 period. Also, Bosnia and Herzegovina is still in violation of the European Convention on Human Rights because of the unwillingness of the political elite to implement the Sejdic-Finci ruling.

The panelists will provide their views on the 2014 election campaign as well as the country’s reform prospects.

Note: the event will be in English.

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The Balkan Floods: Humanitarianism & Politics http://edi-dc.org/balkan-floods-humanitarianism-politics/ Thu, 17 Jul 2014 16:33:08 +0000 http://edi-dc.org/?p=427 This is a EDI Blog guest post by Zhikica Zach Pagovski. During May 13-18, 2014, the Southeast Europe went through a difficult period, and this time it was not initiated by the human factor. Serbia, Bosnia & Herzegovina, and Croatia experienced the heaviest rainfalls in the past 120 years that caused devastating floods and landslides. […]

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This is a EDI Blog guest post by Zhikica Zach Pagovski. During May 13-18, 2014, the Southeast Europe went through a difficult period, and this time it was not initiated by the human factor. Serbia, Bosnia & Herzegovina, and Croatia experienced the heaviest rainfalls in the past 120 years that caused devastating floods and landslides. While more than 60 people lost their lives, the material damage was determined to even exceed that of the Yugoslav Wars. These floods also refreshed the dark memories of the Bosnian War by disturbing landmines left over from the region’s how much is viagra 1990s conflicts. Besides the humanitarian, economic, and environmental implications, these floods created, or reinstated an interesting political phenomenon for the region. Regardless of all political, territorial, and religious disputes, the Balkan states were very cooperative and supportive during flooding disaster. While it took a significant time for the EU and U.S. emergency relief to come to their doors, the people from the less affected Southeast European countries immediately mobilized themselves to help the victims. Official governmental support such as rescue units and equipment had arrived from Albania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Slovenia mainly to Serbia and Bosnia & Herzegovina. Even though the floods also hit Croatia, its government significantly helped relief efforts in neighboring Bosnia & Herzegovina and Serbia. Another positive example was the $65,000 donation from the Macedonian Orthodox Church for flood victims in Serbia, regardless of its ongoing political and religious cialis alcohol side effects dispute with the Serbian Orthodox Church. An exception from this was the case where Kosovo offered to Bosnia & Herzegovina and Serbia rescue teams, but both governments refused this support. This example unfortunately reaffirmed the notion that sometimes politics can still trump humanitarianism in the Balkans. However, most interesting to observe was the actions by the grassroots of these Southeast European countries. Many local, regional and national non-governmental organizations organized initiatives and activities to raise awareness of the floods and collect material support. Hundreds of volunteers from Macedonia, Montenegro, and Slovenia also went to the affected regions in Serbia and Bosnia & Herzegovina to help directly. Financial

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contributions were collected overnight though mobile phone donations, bank transfers, and through other means. Many individuals used the social media to organize actions, portray the gravity of the problem, and to offers the tools of engagement available to people viagra online canadian pharmacy paypal who wanted to help. Concerts, art events, and other types of humanitarian actions were also organized around the Balkan countries in order to collect funds for the victims. The various Balkan diaspora communities also organized joint events and fundraisers to draw attention to events overseas. This interesting phenomenon has certainly challenged the conventional belief that humanitarian assistance has always been a highly political activity, influenced by the political economy of recipient countries and the political considerations of donor governments. The strong support that came from the grassroots in the Southeast European countries clearly shows that political, religious, and territorial problems do not prevent these populations from helping each other, and that when it comes to saving human lives, they can all stand together. The main issue that arises here is why the national elites are still cialis over the counter unable to resolve some of the old political issues, mainly resulting from the Yugoslav Wars, while the peoples of these states have expressed such a high level of solidarity towards each other during a time of humanitarian disaster. There are several important messages here but the most important one is that the humanitarian cooperation and

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response especially among the ex-Yugoslav nations was astonishing, given the events of the war(s) some 24 years ago. The political elites should certainly consider this solidarity and openness for cooperation of their peoples as a positive example for cialis is most effective softening their political positions towards the neighboring countries. This solidarity should create a solid basis for resolution of some of the practical and the ‘imagined’ political problems that still exist in the region. Moreover, the floods have shown that in times of natural crisis, the nations of Southeast Europe can stand united. Those same nations should also be united in times of absence of such overt crises. By using similar types of functional cooperation, Balkan countries can generate common projects that can help improve joint economic prospects and address some of the common problems that those nations all face, such as the high unemployment rates or the huge emigration and brain drain patterns. Lastly, the governments in the region should learn that they are not immune to natural disasters, and should start working on developing joint plans and strategies for cooperation in any future crisis or emergency situations. Zhikica Zach Pagovski holds a Masters of International Affairs from the American University’s School of International Service. He currently lives and works in Washington, DC.

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A Century of Lessons in Bosnia? An Interview with Dr. Marko Attila Hoare http://edi-dc.org/hoareinteview/ http://edi-dc.org/hoareinteview/#comments Mon, 16 Jun 2014 22:10:06 +0000 http://edi-dc.org/?p=421 Dr. Marko Attila Hoare is an Associate Professor of Economics, Politics and History at Kingston University in London, UK. The author of four books on Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), his most recent text, The Bosnian Muslims in the Second World War, is now available from Oxford University Press. His first book, How Bosnia Armed, is arguably the […]

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Dr. Marko Attila Hoare is an Associate Professor of Economics, Politics and History at Kingston University in London, UK. The author of four books on Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), his most recent text, The Bosnian Muslims in the Second World War, is now available from Oxford University Press. His first book, How Bosnia Armed, is arguably the most significant study of the military-political aspects of the Bosnian War and has regained critical currency today because of events in Ukraine—ones bearing striking (and deeply troubling) similarities with the Bosnian experience. A leading commentator on Balkan and global affairs more generally, Dr. Hoare has developed a reputation as a preeminent scholar and historian of the region. In the run up to a month-long series of commemoration around Europe and BiH of the anniversary of the beginning of the First World War, I spoke with Dr. Hoare about the on-going contest of histories and narratives in the former Yugoslavia and the continued, slow-moving catastrophe of contemporary EU and US policy towards BiH. Various commemorations of the assassination of Franz Ferdinand and the beginning of World War I will be marked throughout the month of June in BiH. The origins of the war, the role of Gavrilo Princip and his connections with the Serbian secret service at the time have, as a result, become a hot topic. But most of the accounts and debates we are seeing play out in the local media have very little basis in actual historical research or analysis. What is their function then, do you think? The legacy of the Sarajevo assassination is still a politically controversial topic, and history continues to divide people in the former Yugoslavia. Many Bosniaks and Croats, in particular, view the assassination as a terrorist act whose consequences – the outbreak of World War I, collapse of Austria-Hungary and establishment of the Yugoslav kingdom – amounted to a disastrous, historic wrong turn for the peoples of Bosnia-Hercegovina. Whereas for many others – including many Serbs, those who still identify with Yugoslavia and many outside observers – Princip and his fellow assassins are viewed more sympathetically, as reacting against an unjust imperialist occupier. This division of opinion relates to whether the goal of Bosnia-Hercegovina’s unification with or annexation to Serbia, and Serbia’s military effort during World War I, are viewed positively in terms of national liberation and unification or negatively in terms of Serbian expansionism. Much commentary on the assassination and outbreak of war is likely to be motivated by the desire to uphold one or other of these competing narratives. As a historian then, is there anything about this particular moment that can help us think about BiH in the one hundred years since then? Is there anything other than a purely symbolic connection between 1914 and cialis and nitro 2014? At one level, the assassination formed one act in the long history of Serbian attempts to expand westward into Bosnia-Hercegovina, and of the desire of some Bosnians to unite with Serbia. And it was a decisive act, because the chain of events it set in motion resulted in the establishment of the Yugoslav state, which changed the rules of the game. The establishment of Yugoslavia ended neither the struggle for Bosnian self-rule nor the struggle of Serb and Croat nationalists to annex Bosnia-Hercegovina to Serbia and Croatia respectively, but it did mean that these struggles were fought on a different basis. And they became more bitter. The catastrophes that befell Bosnia-Hercegovina’s peoples since then, culminating in the Ustasha and Chetnik genocides of World War II and subsequently the Bosnian genocide of the 1990s, can be traced back to the flawed form of Yugoslav unification of http://sildenafilcitrate-100mg-rx.com/ 1918-21, which in turn arose out of World War I. The Bosnian question, and the Serb and Croat questions within Bosnia-Hercegovina, are very much alive today, and we do not know how they will be resolved. But we cannot understand the form these questions take today unless we understand their historical background, and that includes what happened in 1914. A few months ago you gave an interview to the Dnevni Avaz newspaper in which you argued that the “experiences of 1992-95 should have taught Bosnians that they can never count on the West” and that “the EU and US have lost the will to push for the reintegration of Bosnia and are once again appeasing the separatism of the RS leadership.” Since then we’ve witnessed significant protests in BiH, the emergence of civic assemblies and something of a panicked response on the part of the international community to account for this popular anger. Do you now see any signs of a potential change in policy on the part of the EU or the current US administration when it comes to BiH? Unfortunately not. The EU and US will be content above all if Bosnia-Hercegovina remains quiet and does not become once again a source of regional and European instability. The present phase in Western politics is one of exceptional small-mindedness. Expansion fatigue or outright opposition to expansion is strong in the EU; Euroscepticism, Islamophobia and hostility to immigration are driving the far-right forward; and the Obama administration in the US is pursuing an exceptionally timid conservative-realist foreign policy involving a retreat from global leadership and responsibility. In these circumstances, Western policy toward Bosnia-Hercegovina is unlikely to change unless a compelling reason arises for self-interested, risk-averse Western statesmen to change it. Short of a new crisis erupting in the region that seriously jeopardises European stability and Western security, it is difficult to imagine that happening. The protests in Bosnia-Hercegovina have not assumed a scale significant enough to qualify. Protests brought about significant change in Ukraine, but only after the president had been driven from office. Speaking of policy, what is actually at stake in BiH for the EU and the US? The lack of sustained engagement on the part of Brussels and Washington would seem to suggest that they believe BiH’s geopolitical significance to be marginal. Is this so? Yes. Bosnia-Hercegovina is not strategically important for the EU and US, which explains the failure of intervention in 1992-1995 and the failure to re-establish a functioning Bosnia-Hercegovina since then. Bosnia-Hercegovina is less strategically important than Kosovo and Macedonia, where a serious conflict could potentially drag in NATO states Greece and Turkey on opposite sides. The West perceives its principal interest in Bosnia-Hercegovina in terms of keeping the country quiet so that it does not become a source of regional and European instability. Bill Clinton’s US ultimately intervened to force the Bosnian Serb rebels to accept a peace agreement in the summer and autumn of 1995, because the conflict was seriously damaging its relations with its European allies and the President’s political standing at home. If Bosnians want the outside world to take an interest in them again, they need to rock the boat. Since we’re on the subject of flashpoint regions, in your first book, How Bosnia Armed, you describe in striking detail how difficult it was for the Sarajevo cialis london price government to organize the defence of the then Republic of BiH in the early days of the war, as much for the lack of arms as for a slew of high profile defections. To a certain extent, one cannot help but see the parallels with the situation in Ukraine. Is there anything Kiev can learn from BiH’s experience in the 90s? Yes. The Bosnian experience should teach Ukraine that it can only rely on its own national strength and effort to defend its independence and territorial integrity; that it should on no account rely on or trust the West to defend it or its interests; and that it should avoid any negotiations over constitutional change or regional autonomy that might encourage Russia and its separatist rebels to fragment the country further – as the Lisbon Agreement and Vance-Owen Plan encouraged Milosevic and Karadzic. The Bosnian experience should teach Ukraine that the West is likely to reward the unreasonable and punish the weak, so Kiev should never, under any circumstances, restrain its own military and political effort at self-defence for the sake of appearing reasonable. generic viagra 20 mg Biti bezobrazan [being insolent or brazen] –

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that’s the way to defend one’s country. Interview by Jasmin Mujanović | @JasminMuj

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